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1.
本文对“政党外交思想”和“党际关系理论”两个概念进行了区别,初步阐述了加强邓小平政党外交思想研究的重要意义;从指导思想、目标宗旨、主题判断、功能作用以及党际关系的基本原则和策略艺术等方面阐明和构建了邓小平政党外交思想的主要内容和理论体系。 相似文献
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本文把《维也纳外交关系公约》作为规范当今外交关系中包括外交特权在内的最基本问题的最完整、最全面和最具权威 ,就世界外交关系而言其意义仅次于《联合国宪章》的立法性国际文献来介绍和评述。文章分别评述了公约的诞生背景 ,特点和内容 ,作用和意义 ,同中国的关系以及国际社会的执行情况。 相似文献
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Social media is changing not only the atmosphere in which international negotiations take place; it is also changing the very substance of the deals. Because of the pace and proliferation of social media, negotiators must read “weak signals” early on—and anticipate a quickly organized, highly motivated opposition. However, diplomatic negotiators still lack the tools to engage in this sort of anticipatory strategy design. This article examines two recent cases, one involving the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the other involving a German Constitutional Court’s ruling on the European Central Bank’s Public Debt Purchasing Program, in which social media had a highly disruptive, unanticipated impact on international negotiations—to the point of forcing negotiators’ hands—and suggests institutional remedies to better anticipate the catalytic impact of advancing technology on diplomatic interactions. 相似文献
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公共外交:信息时代的国家战略工具 总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8
信息社会的深入发展不但加强了各国经济的相互依赖,同时也引发了一场新的外交革命.为适应信息时代新的国际环境,世界各国政府正追求和发展一种新的外交形式--公共外交.公共外交是一国政府对其它国家民众施加影响的外交形式,即通过情报、国际信息、文化交流项目、媒体等手段影响其它国家的民众并制造舆论,为一国在海外创设良好的形象,进而增进国家利益的活动,是信息时代各国实现国家战略利益的重要工具. 相似文献
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张惠玲 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2004,4(1):1-3
帮也母≯j零曼零的影蓐是多i种i固专褰成的譬誊?墨筹节孳霉蘸耍的:_鸶举产__魂≯辱参豢创新拽和寺j时_褥羹鬟豢蘩羹蒸鬻蒸纛麟鬻鬻蒸黧熬滕鬃鳓黧鬻繁麟黜颦獭;;?中国.适应i这个世界络岳置方:法论写战话策略上;的;糖:导;!善雏ii誊蓦蓦蓦鬻舞垂誊善蓦差堇蓦嬲蓦囊誊蓦垂舞垂善誊-i囊誊蓦誊鬻嚣烈㈣篝i蓦i 相似文献
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经济全球化是指市场经济在世界各地普及的过程,也是市场经济在新的历史时期获得空前发展的过程。经济全球化所带来的不仅仅有发展机遇,也有严峻的挑战。国际社会成员通过激烈的竞争和密切的合作,彼此的联系也将更加密切。经济外交在经济全球化中具有不可替代的作用,为使经济全球化不被少数国家和少数垄断资本控制,有必要通过经济外交,建立新的经济外交机制,促进经济全球化向着既注重效益又兼顾公平的方向发展。这是21世纪各国对外政策和外交活动所面临的崭新课题。 相似文献
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Debby Sze Wan Chan 《The Pacific Review》2017,30(5):674-691
The Myitsone Dam suspension is an asymmetric negotiation between Naypyitaw and Beijing. The bilateral agreement of the hydropower project was concluded in 2009. However, Myanmar's civil society started to oppose the dam when political opportunities expanded in 2011. The quasi-civilian government in Myanmar was caught in an ‘audience cost dilemma': either to disappoint domestic constituents by fulfilling international obligations, or to compensate the Chinese dam developer for breaching the contract. In September 2011, Myanmar President Thein Sein declared the suspension of the dam throughout his tenure. Unexpectedly, China's state-owned dam company did not sue Naypyidaw. Moreover, Beijing even engaged with societal actors in Myanmar to seek their support for the project. How could Naypyitaw defy Beijing in this Myitsone Dam case? Drawing from 35 interviews with anti-dam campaigners and other stakeholders, as well as secondary data, this article argues that the rise of civil society successfully conditioned Naypyitaw's diplomatic options in the controversy. The change of Beijing's diplomatic strategy confirms that domestic constraint in Myanmar is not rhetorical. The Myitsone Dam case is an example that shows bilateral agreement without domestic endorsement can become China's business risk. Presumably, the dispute has wider implications for other Chinese overseas projects outside Myanmar. 相似文献
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《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(3):41-59
The international situation is evolving more impressively than it has at any time since the end of the Cold War.Globalization has been in decline.Nations are scrambling to gain greater influence.The international strategic pattern is being adjusted.Many countries have problems with public management,and are faced with a new array of social trends and increasingly popular movements.The world is entering a new era full of chaos and anxiety.Mankind once again faces significant trade-offs and choices in peace and conflict,development and recession,openness and isolation,liberalism and conservatism.China strives to advocate win-win cooperation and lead the trend of reform and opening to maintain a favorable external environment despite world chaos,and enhance status and institutional rights in the international system.China's 30 years of development was successful in the process of integrating into the existing international system;China is a participant as well as a builder of the international system,rather than a challenger or a subversive.In the future,with a constructive attitude,China will promote the international system in a more reasonable direction together with international partners,in order to better safeguard world peace and security,and promote sustainable development throughout the world. 相似文献
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改革开放四十年,中国经济得到长足发展,与此同时也带来了对外依存度偏高的风险,而经济上的对外依存与战略自主之间存在密切的相互影响关系。回顾一些大国的对外战略可以看出,相互依存直接影响对外战略,对外依存度过高会导致战略自主性的下降,从而极大缩减战略选项,甚至在一些关键节点不得不诉诸战略冒险。中国的对外依存与战略自主的关系也经历了复杂的演变过程。新中国成立后,中国一度采取"一边倒"的对外政策,在一定程度上影响了战略自主。改革开放之后,中国经济对外部市场、技术和能源的依存度不断上升,也在一定程度上限制了中国对外战略的全面自主发展。因此,中国的大国战略必须在外向与内顾、国际与国内之间保持适当的平衡,更为合理地协调对外依存与战略自主之间的关系,将全面深度改革开放与全方位外交布局紧密联系在一起。唯其如此,中国未来的大国外交才能行稳致远。 相似文献